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Posts tagged ‘奥运会 olympics’

II:回归周口店之旅将在5月1日早6点在北京协和医院东门口正式启动。自计划公布以来,我们已经收到了很多十分有趣的项目题案,当然题案征集仍在继续,请想跟我们一起去但尚未取得联系的同志抓紧了!

请参与者尽量选择舒适合脚的鞋,带上所有出行必备的物品并想办法将行走过程以不同方式记录下来。不计划行走全程的参与者可以在途中与我们相遇。沿途沟通请致电15001127304(英)18910792649(中)。如果你想在周口店过夜,请在4月28日之前与我们取得联系,统一订房,费用由个人承担。第二天,我们可以一起“参观”周口店猿人遗址公园,呵呵。一路顺风

The journey back to Zhoukoudian starts by meeting at 6 am on May 1st at Xiehe Hospital.
A number of participants have signed up with their contributions to the story, but participation is still open to all!
Please consider footwear and clothing carefully and any equipment necessary for your participation. Also consider methods of documentation.

Participants can also join at other points along the way if not for the whole walk. Please call 15001127304 (EN) 18910792649 (中文) to find out the progress of the walk and possible meeting points.

If you wish to stay overnight with the group, please let us know by April 29th so that we can make a reservation at a local hotel (costs covered by individuals).
The next day, we will proceed on to the Peking Man site at Zhoukoudian where we will make some collective actions.
Bon voyage!

章节…… Chapters:
蓝T恤 The Blue Shirts ……………………………………………. Adam Chapluski
地形与地层 Landscape Stratoscape …………………………. Patrick Conway
砖头到水泥再归来 from bricks to concrete and back …  François Dey
当穴居人碰上太空人 Caveman Meets Spaceman ………. Michael Eddy
北京人拉松 Pekingathon ………………………………………… Gordon Laurin
丽莎 LISA …………………………………………………………….. 李丽莎 Lisa Li
留 Remains ………………………………………………………….. 欧阳潇 Ouyang Xiao
北京人,你是谁?Peking Man, who are you?……………. 植村絵美 Emi Uemura

…………………………………………和其他勇敢的冒险者…. And other brave adventurers

……………………………………………. 包括 ….. including …. 曲一镇 Qu Yizhen, Alessandro Rolandi, Orianna Cacchione, 王大船家 Wang Dachuan and family

项目招集 /// Call for Participation


直立行走II:重返周口店

5月1日,家作坊将举办第二期“直立行走”项目,再次步行去往北京房山区周口店北京猿人遗址公园。目的地离北京约60公里,耗时约18个小时,晚上在周口店过夜。 作为一个公众参与项目,我们希望每一位参与者能在活动开始前规划出自己的行走路线(走不了全程没有问题,量力而行),并以其为基础,将行走本身视为一种写作,在运动中构建另一种轨迹,无论是历史、个体故事、 意识形态还是任何一种同一性或连贯逻辑的生产或颠覆。 沿途的历史遗迹、当代景观与日常生活系统都可以成为构成上述运动的概念/物理节点。 如果你对本项目感兴趣,欢迎你将你的想法与联系方式发送到我们的邮箱lianxi@homeshop.org.cn。 我们也会于近期发布本次活动的具体日程安排与活动背景。

路线图:
https://maps.google.ca/maps/ms?msid=210439387421320430949.0004d924ec7b761d071c3&msa=0

 

Walking Erect II: Journey back to Zhoukoudian

On May 1st, HomeShop is embarking on its second walk to Zhoukoudian, location of the famed Peking Man archaeological site. At nearly 60 km from central Beijing, it is a full day’s walk, and our plan includes an overnight stay near the site. However, this journey through time and space is open to those willing to participate.

See the basic route here:
https://maps.google.ca/maps/ms?msid=210439387421320430949.0004d924ec7b761d071c3&msa=0

As a walking project, we are taking the actual historical as well as current sites we pass by as sites for a series of actions along the way, triggering a form of writing-by-walking. (Participants who can’t commit to such distances can also come in at certain points along the route.)

Because of the destination’s symbolic place in modern history and contested place in prehistory, we invite participants to consider histories, stories and false trajectories as contributions, in relation to particular features of the route. The schedule and background of this walk will be rendered in detail soon. Please indicate your desire to participate a.s.a.p. and send your proposals to lianxi@homeshop.org.cn

Join us!

Che Fei and CU OFFICE’s trans-community: Jin Street Model
车飞与超城建筑的超街区:“
金街模型

Trans-Community space usage distribution. 金街模型空间利用展示。

(more…)

Pyjamas, nylon stockings, and other Olympic dreams.“Pyjamas, nylon stockings, and other Olympic dreams”  [photo by Jeroen de Kloet]

We are pleased to inform you that Jeroen de Kloet‘s article published in 穿 Wear has been republished twice now already! Once with permission, once without! Hope Jeroen doesn’t mind; we aren’t making any money anyway!

at Mindmeters:
http://www.mindmeters.com/arshow.asp?id=3133 (中文版)

at EspacesTemps.net:
http://www.espacestemps.net/document7734.html (english version)
http://www.espacestemps.net/docannexe7736.html (chinese version attached to the article)

houaoyun

from the last issue of Time Out Beijing (中文版)i mentioned to you:

14 Uses for the Bird’s Nest

Ai Wei Wei: Demolish the Bird’s Nest and sell the waste parts

Passing by Monica and Bert outside their favourite café a few minutes from HomeShop, Bert tells me that HomeShop’s series one GAMES 2008 project has been named one of Artforum China’s “Best of 2008”. 谢谢,牛逼!

photo above right by Jeroen de Kloet, HomeShop Games 2008 closing ceremonies.

The following text was written September 2008 by Sean Smith and Elaine W. Ho as a proposal for Public Journal issue 40:

——–

Two of the most prominent features of contemporary Olympic spectacles were both introduced at the Berlin Summer Games of 1936: the invention of the torch relay as an exhortation toward a strong German fatherland, and the introduction of live television viewing areas around Berlin, which leveraged some of the most innovative media technologies of the day to help entwine the sporting events with the National Socialist party’s quest for power. And though such media coverage has transformed dramatically from its humble beginnings in 1936 Berlin to the audiovisual feast on display at this year’s 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, the basic premise of public viewing areas and the underlying desire to streamline a burgeoning nationalism have remained largely the same. However, China’s unique blend of communist politics and increasingly market-based economics provides a highly complex backdrop to the context of Beijing’s urban sporting screens. The 2008 Olympic spectacle, already amplified by the intense glare of instantaneous global television distribution and its own partisan torch relay, witnessed ubiquitous LED countdown boards throughout Beijing climax into city-wide viewing monitors aboard most public transport vehicles and two dozen Olympic cultural squares featuring large-screen public viewing areas sponsored by some of the world’s largest transnationals.

Following Paolo Virno, we might suggest that these attempts to leverage the sporting popular into urban spaces via the public viewing screen are intended to consolidate and homogenize the people into the One of the State (or at least the One of the Target Market). It is through this lens that we have viewed the Olympic Games this year, both as spectators and critical observers, and from this temporarily fixed vantage point of questioning and observation, we embarked upon a project called HomeShop series number one: Games 2008.

As a series of “minor practices” and interventions in the middle of one of Beijing’s old hutong alleyways, the HomeShop project used a store space turned sleeping-working-living space and its window front as the beginning point from which to examine our ways of relaying between public and private, the commercial and pure exchange as such. The spatio-temporal framework of Beijing and the Olympic Games was revisioned as a grid from which indeterminacies could appear, converge and reappear anew——a way of fostering intersecting spaces between the urban environment and everyday practices. In contrast to the nation-wide public displays of arousal during the countdown to 08.08.08, each day of the Olympics marked a countdown to the end of the project, with the passage of time marked by daily activities at varying scales of community engagement, from field recordings to a clothing collection, group readings of texts on mapping spatial practices to stoop-front discussions with locals.

The project reached peaks with larger events centered around the screen, the membrane between public and private. The HomeShop countdown began and ended with storefront viewing parties of the opening and closing ceremonies, and a party held in honor of the “losers” featured Wii videogame Olympic events projected on screen and played live in the street. Each of the activities of the project aimed at offering, within the daily routes of local residents, a minor-scale potentiality for our ways of engaging with the community and public space.

We would like to propose as a submission for the upcoming issue of PUBLIC a presentation of the HomeShop Games 2008 project, whereby its screen is set against the intoxicating brew of government policy, corporate sponsorship and global sporting nationalism, and less-tangible questions of play, permeability and mapping. Essay, images and a dialogue between the authors will introduce a theoretical train of thought that attempts to locate HomeShop and its screen within contemporary critical aesthetics and politics.

Beijing, CN weather for 13 august 2008:  bright, white clouds , high 30° – low 23° C.

家作坊 HomeShop, 12:33

家作坊 HomeShop, 13:45

家作坊 HomeShop, 13:31

“我们一个朋友从美国带回来的,但都不能穿。放了在家里没用,都不能穿。中国人怎么会穿这中的东西?你看外面路上谁穿这样的东西?中国人不能穿。他怎么会买这样的东西?“

“你应该问他们要美元,哈哈!“

“或欧元,美元现在都不值!“

“A friend came back from America and brought these for me, but I can’t even wear them. They’ve just been sitting around the house useless. How can Chinese people wear these kinds of clothes? Look on the street, who’d wear something like this? Chinese people can’t wear these kinds of clothes. Why on earth would they buy these kinds of things?”

“You should have asked for U.S. dollars instead, ha ha!”

“Or Euros, dollars aren’t worth so much anymore!”

家作坊 HomeShop, 13:36
传给我们之前,阿姨最后一次试试穿她的大豹子图案外衣。 Auntie tries on her leopard print coat one last time before donating to HomeShop.

First recordings from 崔凯旋 Cassidy Cui‘s “说” experiment with speaking and communicating—-going beyond 5 minutes, at 10 days and counting…

Beijing, CN weather for 15 august 2008:  sunny with scattered clouds , high 31° – low 20° C.

Get the Flash Player to see the wordTube Media Player.
河南来的阿姨 A neighbour from Henan province  |  7’53”


Get the Flash Player to see the wordTube Media Player.
瑞士来的朋友 A friend from Switzerland  |  6’04”


Get the Flash Player to see the wordTube Media Player.
后面住的邻居 A neighbour living behind HomeShop  |  6’46”


Get the Flash Player to see the wordTube Media Player.
上海来的中央戏剧学院老师  A drama teacher from Shanghai  |  6’35”

I was thinking about our discussion on Olympics, events at 家作坊 and public space. I don’t know how far we can explore the way the Olympics have actually changed the practices of urban public space during that period…or at least, this is probably not a question that can be answered yet but will request some time and distance before finding an answer.

What we could explore, though, is how far the Olympics, as a public event, have allowed you to produce events at your place that were justified…precisely because of the high publicity of the Olympics. Would these events have been possible otherwise? It is sure that the Olympics have raised many restrictions about the use of public space, yet they have also allowed community restrictions to loosen (and thus made you organize parties in the hutong without major problems). I find this negotiation between restrictions and freedom very interesting…definitely needs some more research!

Here is a piece of an article published by Ash Amin [(2008) ‘Collective culture and urban public space’, City, 12:1, 5 – 24], where the author explores how public space is actually working (or not), which are the dimensions and interactions between humans —- but also between humans and materiality —- that allow encounters in the public space. Can send you the paper if you like.

The ethics of the situation, if we can put it in these terms, are neither uniform nor positive in every setting of thrown-togetherness. The swirl of the crowd can all too frequently generate social pathologies of avoidance, self preservation, intolerance and harm, especially when the space is under-girded by uneven power dynamics and exclusionary practices. My second claim, thus, is that the compulsion of civic virtue in urban public space stems from a particular kind of spatial arrangement, when streets, markets, parks, buses, town halls are marked by non-hierarchical relations, openness to new influence and change, and a surfeit of diversity, so that the dynamic of multiplicity or the promise of plenitude is allowed free reign. There are resonances of situated multiplicity/plenitude that have a significant bearing on the nature of social and civic practice. At least five that merit conceptual and practical attention can be mentioned.

The first resonance is that of surplus itself, experienced by humans as a sense of bewilderment, awe and totality in situations that place individuals and groups in minor relation to the space and other bodies within them. What Simmel tried to explain in terms of behavioural response among strangers when placed together in close proximity in urban space-from bewilderment and avoidance to indifference and inquisitiveness–might be reinterpreted as the shock of situated surplus, experienced as space that presents more than the familiar or the manageable, is in continual flux and always plural, weaves together flesh, stone and other material, and demands social tactics of adjustment and accommodation to the situation (including imaginative ways of negotiating space without disrupting other established modes, as shown in Figure 2). The resonance of situated surplus, formed out of the entanglements of bodies in motion and the environmental conditions and physical architecture of a given space, is collectively experienced as a form of tacit, neurological and sensory knowing (Pile, 2005; Thrift, 2005a), quietly contributing to a civic culture of ease in the face of urban diversity and the surprises of multiplicity.

These surprises are rarely disorienting, for a second resonance of situated multiplicity is territorialization; repetitions of spatial demarcation based on daily patterns of usage and orientation. The movement of humans and non-humans in public spaces is not random but guided by habit, purposeful orientation, and the instructions of objects and signs. The repetition of these rhythms results in the conversion of public space into a patterned ground that proves essential for actors to make sense of the space, their place within it and their way through it. Such patterning is the way in which a public space is domesticated, not only as a social map of the possible and the permissible, but also as an experience of freedom through the neutralization of antipathies of demarcation and division–from gating to surveillance–by naturalizations of repetition. The lines of power and separation somehow disappear in a heavily patterned ground, as the ground springs back as a space of multiple uses, multiple trajectories and multiple publics, simultaneously freeing and circumscribing social experience of the urban commons.

A third and related resonance of situated multiplicity is emplacement. This is not just everything appearing in its right place as a consequence of the routines and demarcations of territorialization. The rhythms of use and passage are also a mode of domesticating time. Public spaces are marked by multiple temporalities, ranging from the slow walk of some and the frenzied passage of others, to variations in opening and closing times, and the different temporalities of modernity, tradition, memory and transformation. Yet, on the whole, and this is what needs explaining, the pressures of temporal variety and change within public spaces do not stack up to overwhelm social action. They are not a source of anxiety, confusion and inaction, and this is largely because of the domestication of time by the routines and structures of public space. The placement of time through materialization (in concrete, clocks, schedules, traffic signals), repetition and rhythmic regularity (so that even the fast and the fleeting come round again), and juxtaposition (so that multiple temporalities are witnessed as normal) is its taming. Accordingly, what might otherwise (and elsewhere) generate social bewilderment becomes an urban capacity to negotiate complexity. The repetitions and regularities of situated multiplicity, however, are never settled. This is because a fourth resonance of thrown-togetherness is emergence. Following complexity theory, it can be argued that the interaction of bodies in public space is simultaneously a process of ordering and disruption. Settled rhythms are constantly broken or radically altered by combinations that generate novelty. While some of this novelty is the result of purposeful action, such as new uses and new rules of public space, emergence properly understood is largely unpredictable in timing, shape and duration, since it is the result of elements combining together in unanticipated ways to yield unexpected novelties (DeLanda, 2006). Public spaces marked by the unfettered circulation of bodies constitute such a field of emergence, constantly producing new rhythms from the many relational possibilities. This is what gives such spaces an edgy and innovative feel, liked by some and feared by others, but still an urban resonance that people come to live with and frequently learn to negotiate. This is what Jacobs (1961) celebrated when championing the dissonance of open space, receptive to the surprises of density and diversity, manifest in the unexpected encounter, the chance discovery, the innovation largely taken into the stride of public life.

A final resonance can be mentioned. We could call it symbolic projection. It is in public space that the currents and moods of public culture are frequently formed and given symbolic expression. The iconography of public space, from the quality of spatial design and architectural expression to the displays of consumption and advertising, along with the routines of usage and public gathering, can be read as a powerful symbolic and sensory code of public culture. It is an active code, both summarizing cultural trends as well as shaping public opinion and expectation, but essentially in the background as a kind of atmospheric influence. This is why so frequently, symbolic projections in public space–lifted out of the many and varied material practices on the ground–have been interpreted as proxies of the urban, sometimes human, condition. There is a long and illustrious history of work, from that of Benjamin and Freud to that of Baudrillard and Jacobs that has sought to summarize modernity from the symbols of urban public space, telling of progress, emancipation, decadence, hedonism, alienation and wonderment (Amin, 2007b). Similarly, politicians, planners and practitioners have long sought to influence public opinion and public behaviour through the displays of public space.